Thursday, 31 May 2012

‘Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it or betray it.’


‘Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it or betray it.’

Franz Fanon
The above words by the great thinker and proponent of human liberation, Franz Fanon many years ago still remain relevant as they did those many years ago, and better still, will remain relevant for many more years to come. However, their relevance is more profound for us, the younger generation of the day. This is so, because to a greater extent, the older generations, our fathers and those before them have managed to discover their mission and managed to fulfill it, though the extent to which they have done so may be a question for debate. More so, the words are a chilling reminder to the young people of contemporary Zimbabwe of the reality we have to face as a generation, given the outright obscurity which we have and continue to face especially since the turn of the millennium and more specifically over the last decade.

In our Zimbabwean context, contemporary social and cultural norms and values as well as economic and political realities consign us, the young people of the day to a position of extreme marginalization and insignificance in terms of the national developmental discourse. The truth is that the older generations continue to dictate the pace of this development, or lack of it, and it is their views on how such development should unfold that carries the day. To a very pronounced extent, the older generation in our country, the bulk of whom constitute the current ruling elite had their mission cut out for them. Having been born at a time when colonialism and imperial occupation of Africa was a reality, the immediate and main task for them was to exorcise and rid their countries and the continent at large of the evils of white colonial settlement and restore the right to self-determination to the black majority.

The eventual fall of colonialism in Zimbabwe, having been preceded by its fall in other African countries and the few after it, meant that from relative obscurity, the generations of our fathers and those before them had managed to fulfill their immediate generational mission. The next task for the country (and they as the leaders)  obviously revolved around consolidating the gains of the liberation struggle that had been fought to rid the country of colonial rule: this in essence meant fulfilling the various factors which had formed the basis of the waging of the liberation struggle – the land question, wealth disparities based on skin colour and universal suffrage and the right to self-determination, essentially being able to elect, through free and fair elections, a government of the people by the people.

Harry Houdini - famed for
his death-defying stunts. 
It is however worth noting that it is with regards to this consolidation of the gains of the liberation struggle that our erstwhile liberators have fared very low, in fact they seem to have gotten drunk on power to the extent that they forgot all about consolidating these gains for close to 20 years after independence was won in 1980. And it was only after the formation of the biggest opposition party to emerge post-independence Zimbabwe, the Movement for Democratic Change, that they were jolted into action and tried to do a ‘Houdini act’ of implementing what they had neglected or failed to do during their first nineteen years in power, to save them from the jaws of a glaring electoral defeat in the 2000 general elections, randomly unleashing rogue elements amongst the war veterans and youth militias onto the farms where they forcibly evicted white farmers and their farm workers. At times, callous murders, rape and other forms of torture were committed as the Zanu PF administration launched what it termed the ‘fast-track land reform program’ – their main aim not being to genuinely redistribute land and correct the injustices of the colonial regime of Ian Smith but to reclaim their waning support amongst the electorate and in so doing, setting up a patronage system that to this day forms the greater chunk of those that continue to vote for them to this day. What followed in the ensuing decade plus two years to today now forms part of the worst period in the living memory and history of our beloved country’s citizens, post 1980.

A queue for sugar at the height of the economic
crisis.
The challenges that we have faced as citizens over the last twelve years and the precarious position that the young people of today find themselves in is a direct result of this gross dereliction of duty by our erstwhile liberators and further confirms the fact that the prophetic words of Franz Fanon are still alive today. Young people in Zimbabwe today remain not in relative obscurity, but in almost absolute obscurity, thanks to outrightly exclusionary policies propounded by our government. Again, this obscurity has become entrenched not only where government is concerned but even where political formations are concerned. Worse still such exclusion has become all too evident even amongst civic formations who are supposed to be the torch-bearers of the democracy that we all yearn for, the democracy that so many of the gallant sons and daughters of Zimbabwe – the youth in their day – sacrificed their all – soul and limb – to ensure that the dream of a democratic Zimbabwe remains alive.

The misgivings of our erstwhile liberators and those that occupy positions of authority today have indeed helped to define the mission of the new generation, those who count themselves amongst the youth of today. One can easily identify that entrenching democracy and good governance in our country forms the basis of what should be the mission of today’s youth. And this is not just about having free and fair elections, but it is essentially about building a new political culture in Zimbabwe, based on the equality and tolerance of one another, cognizant of all our differences, and more importantly our ability to defend our national sovereignty, not in the narrow and parochial sense of Zanu PF, but genuine patriotism and love for country, itself a result of the genuine recognition of each and every citizen’s rights, the defense, promotion and upholding of these rights.


Kwame Nkrumah
He has been accused of holding
onto power.
The greatest impediment to the realization of this generational mission remains the current political hegemony in the country, which puts emphasis on the youth playing peripheral roles in national development. The great pan-Africanist and former president of Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah once noted ‘Seek ye first the political kingdom and all else will be added unto you’. It is no secret today that our elderly politicians remain trapped in the warped thinking that the role of young people in the politics of the day remains to be campaign tools during political rallies and where necessary and convenient, the running dogs of those that believe violence has a role to play in the political dynamics of today. These are the same politicians who have over the years impoverished the youths, rendering them economically disempowered so that they can, from time to time, use their ill-gotten wealth to manipulate and abuse them for their selfish political ends. These are again the same politicians who have run-down the education system – once the pride of Africa and the globe at large – so as to ensure that the youth remain without any viable tool to uplift themselves out of the despicable levels of poverty and underdevelopment that they are in. The callous decimation of the once vibrant students movement in Zimbabwe is testimony enough to the fact that the elderly politicians loath an enlightened and empowered youth. Their parochial thinking is that they and they alone should rule this country – till horns emerge on the donkey’s head. God forbid!

Africa continues to be blighted by civil wars.
We can never continue to run away from the truth – the youth today remain the leaders not of tomorrow, but today and tomorrow. Zimbabwe and the African continent at large face the daunting task of building and securing stable and just peace and security across the continent, conducive for the equal participation of all citizens in the affairs of any nation, including how national resources and wealth are distributed and used. This also goes in as far as identifying and addressing the actual causes of conflict and instability on our continent, including the institution of conflict management processes. Conflict in itself may not be such a bad phenomenon, but as young people especially in Zimbabwe, we have often been accused as being the proponents of such conflict which more often than not degenerates into open conflict and violence. Those who often accuse the young people of this vice also often neglect to point out to the main drivers of such open hostility, in the name of our dear ‘elderly’ politicians. It is true that many of us – youths- are shut out of critical decision making processes and structures and many of us are made to believe – either out of sheer naivety, ignorance, or convenience – that perpetrating violence is also a form of contributing to decision making. The greatest challenge we face is to find space to take a leading role in the affairs of our country. For me, three key issues stand out as a priority not only for the youth of Zimbabwe, but our continent as a whole.

Police brutality is common within autocratic regimes.
The first and foremost is to carry through the key aspiration of those who spearheaded the liberation struggle around the continent – which was to have democratic dispensations in members states throughout Africa. When we talk about democracy, there is a tendency by the undemocratic among us who only look at democracy from the Western liberal stand-point. Democracy can also be defined in a truly African sense, based on values of ‘ubuntu/hunhu’ which indeed bodes well for us as Africans. Whilst the first part of such a mission has been achieved through the dismantling of colonial regimes, Africa, Zimbabwe included it still being drawn back by autocratic regimes and their leaders who do not believe in or deliberately choose to trounce upon democratic ideals in mostly futile attempts to continuously hold on to power. As young people in an increasingly global world, we face the challenge of confronting such a hegemony and working, proactively working to entrench democratic ideals, based on tolerance and appreciation of our various differences as citizens of one country, Zimbabwe.

A dilapidated classroom.
Secondly, another great challenge that confronts us today is the issue of education on a continent which lags behind in terms of actual development, but boasts of so many of its sons and daughters who have and continue to drive industry and overall development in the developed world. With the old and new challenges confronting the African continent, Africa need a new breed of educated individuals and ‘cohorts’ to address the various challenges confronting a new world with ever-changing challenges, including climate change. In Zimbabwe, a country that used to boast the highest literacy rate on the continent, thanks largely to liberal education policies of the 1980s, the education sector is in shambles, driven by an unstable economy, poverty, corruption and high levels of unemployment which are demotivating a lot of potential learners. As young Zimbabweans, we face a reality of being called a ‘lost generation’ because there has been so much disinvestment within the education sector so much to the extent that our schools and tertiary institutions are failing to satisfy the demand for learned professionals to not only fill into existing industries, but also innovative entrepreneurs to create the much needed employment in economies like Zimbabwe which obviously have not that much industry to talk about. It then becomes one of our key challenges to proactively advocate for the revival of the education sector, safeguarding academic freedoms and students’ rights, including the right to organize.

Democratic Alliance youths march in
support of the youth wage subsidy.
Lastly, it is eminent that as young people we work towards demanding and then safeguarding our right to economic empowerment. While government still has the greatest responsibility of building the future of citizens, this cannot be done without young people’s involvement in the economic affairs of the country. The recent COSATU and Democratic Alliance debacle in South Africa though regrettable, illustrates that at least there are various players within that country who have time to think about the lives of their young people. That COSATU chose to bring out their other darker side on this issue of the youth wage subsidy should not be condoned. My point here is that such efforts by the Democratic Alliance should not be misconstrued or taken along partisan lines but should be viewed solely on merit – addressing the plight of millions of young South Africans who face a bleak future of poverty and unemployment. The same is also true in our Zimbabwean context where young people face an even bleaker future than their counterparts in South Africa. Various government and non-government initiatives aiming to economically empower youth are most welcome, and if administered well, can go a long way in according young people economic independence which may translate into greater autonomy and capacity to make informed and progressive decisions on their own, without manipulation and abuse by elderly politicians.

Once again, I maintain that the onus is on the youth to organize themselves so that they are able to claim the space to positively influence development in their various spheres and countries. This should of course start at the level of organizing ourselves within our various organizations, including political, so that we begin to define our generational mission as history prescribes it. For as long as we remain divided along superficial lines, perpetuated by an elderly gang hell-bent on self-perpetuation, then we will definitely be counted as a generation who betrayed a generational mission and mandate. There can be no better time than now to, ‘out of near-absolute obscurity, discover our mission, fulfill it and not betray it…’


Tuesday, 15 May 2012

A new constitution alone will not guarantee a free and fair election


A new constitution alone will not guarantee a free and fair election


Some of the Copac political leaders

The misguided notion being peddled by many a politician who is in support of the current constitution making process being led by Copac that the new charter will lead to free and fair elections should be quickly discarded and not entertained as it is a great travesty to common sense and logical thinking. Not only is this view a blatant lie on the part of those peddling it, it also smacks of cheap political rhetoric and subterfuge on those trying to justify the millions of donor funds that they fruitlessly spend in hotels and bars, under the guise of coming up with a democratic and people driven constitution for the country.

A Copac outreach meeting
Almost two years beyond its initially set deadline, the constitution making process has tottered from one crisis to the other, encountered numerous hurdles, including at one time a crippling shortage of funds due to waning donor support and confidence in the process. As it stands, Copac has since delivered what it has termed the first consolidated draft constitution to the ‘management committee’ made up of six negotiators from the three governing parties, albeit with ‘parked issues’, though it is still not clear who is to decide on these parked issues before the draft constitution can be brought to parliament and eventually to a referendum. What is clear as of now is that it is no longer relevant what the people might have or have not said during the chaotic outreach meetings conducted by Copac, but that the discretion now lies with a few party representatives to agree and decide on what they will present in the form of a draft constitution to a referendum. Talk about a people-driven constitution.


His powers remain intact in the Copac draft

However, after reading the current draft, one is struck by the glaring similarities between this draft and the current constitution, especially with regards to the powers that remain vested in the proposed executive presidency, itself singled out as one of the key factors behind the governance crisis gripping the country. Simply too much power is vested in one individual, itself a very undemocratic practice that is a slap in the face of participatory democracy. The same crisis is certainly behind the infighting in Zanu PF driven by the succession issue and is the main reason why they cannot discuss leadership renewal amongst themselves. This is now manifesting in the serious infighting and violence that has characterized the district coordinating committee elections and the current restructuring exercise. 
There is certainly no need and defies logic in this day and age to concentrate so much power in an individual in any government or political power structure for that matter. In no way should any individual from the executive arm of state be above and beyond reproach of the other two arms of state – the legislature and the judiciary. No democracy can work under such ludicrous conditions, and most certainly such an arrangement cannot support a free and fair election, especially one in which the incumbent participates.

His party seems to no longer support the diaspora vote
Many of the provisions in the draft constitution in circulation gravely exposes the two MDC formations as being not genuine in their self-proclaimed mandate as the leaders of democratic change and reform in the country. Even as we acknowledge the fact that whatever constitution will be brought for a referendum will be largely a negotiated document, the extent to which the new charter neglects and omits fundamental tenets inherent of any democratic constitution relevant and alive to the realities of us as a people and as a nation clearly betrays the selfish and monetary interests that drove the three parties to author a new constitution for the country on behalf of the people, while all along trying to convince the public that they were being consulted and included all the way. It was very treacherous of the MDC, especially the formation led by the PM to vilify and victimize its civic friends and strategic partners for trying to knock sense to the party and its leadership that they were playing their cards wrong in allowing themselves to fall for the Zanu PF trap by making it a preserve of the politicians alone to author a constitution on behalf of the people. It is also mind-boggling as to why the current draft is mum on the diaspora vote. After all, we heard Copac during earlier episodes of its on-going circus loudly proclaiming that it had gone on an overdrive to consult the diaspora in the writing of the new charter.  And to think that the two MDC formations are also in support of the two vice presidents agenda clearly betrays how easily they can be swayed by Zanu PF into changing earlier positions and principles. In all this, it is clear that Zanu PF is in the driving seat. Never mind that they seem not to want the constitution; for them it makes just perfect sense to be wasting and buying time in government.

Some schools of thought have and continue to suggest that a new constitution alone is not the panacea to a free and fair election. They go on to argue that apart from the level of the constitution, there are also two subsequent levels that have a bearing on the conduct of a free and fair election, being the statutory level (acts of parliament relevant to the holding and conduct of elections) as well as the codes of conduct and non-statutory regulations relevant to various stakeholders with direct and indirect interest to any election. They further argue that it is at the latter two levels where you are most likely to effect greater impact in safeguarding the conduct of a free and fair election. For example in the current Copac first draft, section 4.18 subsection 1 (a) provides for every Zimbabwean the right to make political choices freely, but the stark reality is that various acts of parliament and a lax code of conduct affecting various players’ and stakeholder participation in elections all make it difficult to realize a free and fair election. Proponents of violence during elections will always be at work and get away with it because there is a lack of proper code of conduct for political parties with regards to the behavior of their supporters during elections, and even if it were there, there would be need for proper coordination with law enforcement agents to make this work effectively. Again, a constitution alone cannot guarantee this.

SADC has urged the three parties
to come up with an election roadmap
The parties in government also indirectly acknowledge that a new constitution alone will not guarantee that Zimbabwe will have a free and fair election. The ‘Roadmap to Zimbabwe’s Elections’ as proposed by the SADC Summit of 17 August 2010 and subsequently negotiated by the parties’ negotiators in April of 2011 has the issue of constitutional reforms as one of eight issues identified as being critical for the holding of a free and fair election. So it would be foolhardy for any of the three parties to then go ahead and assure its supporters or membership that once the new Copac constitution is in place, the country can have a free and fair election. This is a blatant lie.

It is against this background that the government and especially the three parties in that government should wake up to the reality that their futile project code-named Copac is a waste of the country’s time and resources. Clearly this constitution is a product of negotiations and horse-trading between the political parties, a key point in explaining the delays that have hit the drafting stage of the process. What is also clear from the current draft is that it does little in advancing a democratic culture in Zimbabwe, especially one which is premised on the supremacy of the constitution. This alone is exemplified in the manner in which the draft keeps intact most of the presidential powers present in the current Lancaster House constitution.
They will have to negotiate and agree on a new constitution before the referendum
While at the moment, it may not be really relevant to scrutinize the Copac first draft clause by clause, primarily because of the ‘parked issues’ that it still contains, it remains fact and not fallacy that the adoption of this new constitution alone will not guarantee a free and fair election in the short-term. Furthermore, the process that the inclusive government is undertaking to come up with this constitution fundamentally takes away the people of Zimbabwe’s inherent right to author a constitution for themselves, free of political interference and arm-twisting as is the current case. Even if the eventual constitution is going to be ‘better than the current’ to borrow the words of some of our conservative optimists, this will never make it a constitution by the people of Zimbabwe and as such their ownership and subsequent allegiance to such a constitution will always be questionable and in doubt.